From a temporal point of view, a period of almost two years has passed since the invasion perpetrated by the Russian Federation against Ukraine. Within NATO, views are emerging that dispute the feasibility of Ukrainian victory in this war from a military perspective. NATO experts conducted a detailed analysis of the results obtained by the Ukrainian counteroffensive in the attempt to reconquer the national territory. Although important objectives have been achieved and part of the territory has been reconquered, the Russian fleet has practically withdrawn from the ports threatened by Ukrainian missiles. Before the invasion, Russia controlled 7.04% of Ukrainian territory, corresponding to over 42,000 km². By the end of September 2023, Russian military control extended to 17.48% of Ukraine, exceeding 100,000 km². Despite notable Ukrainian victories, such as the liberation of Kherson in November 2022, Russian dominance has grown over the past year and a half. Very little compared to Putin’s two-year goals. Despite this, we find ourselves in a stalemate situation, in which Ukraine manages to counter the considerable human and logistical force deployed by the Russian Federation, mainly thanks to the constant supply of sophisticated weapons from Kiev-friendly countries. According to Kiev statistics, since the start of the Russian invasion on February 24, 2022, Russia has lost a significant number of soldiers, estimated at 341,500, which is considerably high compared to the losses suffered, for example, in Afghanistan by the Soviets in 10 years (between 13,000 and 15,000) or to Americans between 1965 and 1975 (58,220). A figure not even comparable to the Italian deaths in the Second World War which were just under 300,000. In addition to challenges on the military front, Ukraine faces political obstacles in accessing the European Union, with Orban’s support for Putin creating impediments.
In the meantime, the civilian population of Ukraine, the main victim of this senseless invasion, is working to survive in the best possible way, facing daily challenges with the resilience that it has long learned to exercise since 1,200 and beyond 1,400 Western Ukraine was in fact known as the Principality of Galicia Volhynia and was a sort of protectorate of Poland. In 1654, the Ukrainian Cossacks, from Khmelnytsky, rebelled against the oppression of Poland and, by signing a treaty, sought protection from Russia, creating the Cossack Hetmanate. From 1700 to 1900, Ukraine underwent several divisions and annexations by the Russians, Ottomans and Austro-Hungarians. After the Russian Revolution in 1917, Ukraine declared independence in 1918. But the joy was short-lived, as it was soon invaded and divided between Poland, Soviet Russia and the White Army. During World War II, Ukraine was initially divided between Nazi occupation in the west and Soviet occupation in the east. Later, when the Germans invaded the Soviet Union, eastern Ukraine was occupied by the Nazis. Some Ukrainians collaborated with the Germans, but there were also important anti-Nazi resistance movements. The Soviet Red Army then gradually reconquered Ukraine and from there pushed into the Balkans. In short, Ukraine was complexly involved in the conflict, with various factions clashing; as also happened in Italy. And so, the history of Ukraine continues, with the courage and determination of a people who once again fight for their future, freedom and independence and not only for themselves. A crucial element in this scenario is the contribution of thousands of volunteers operating in areas that are not occupied or not directly affected by the war. These volunteers zealously dedicate themselves to welcoming and distributing aid to the local civilian population and refugees, of which there are still over 6,000 in Chernovohrad alone, helping to alleviate the hardships caused by the conflict situation. A significant example, with which Bambini nel Deserto is directly in contact thanks to our interventions over the last two years, is the Foundation for Strategic Development and Change (FSCS). This non-profit civil humanitarian organization was born in response to the Russian invasion, on the initiative of the municipal administration of Chernovohrad in the L’viv Oblast, with the aim of coordinating aid from different parts of Europe destined for other Ukrainian oblasts. FSCS is made up of young women and men, too young to be sent to the front, but nevertheless intensely engaged every day in concrete work which, for almost two years, has distracted them from a “normal” life. These young volunteers, even in their youth, represent a significant force of hope for the creation of a just and lasting peace. Their daily commitment demonstrates how, even in the midst of the adversities of war, it is possible to build a future based on values of solidarity, mutual help and concrete commitment to the common good. The hope of definitive peace rests on such initiatives and on the courage of those who, despite their young age, face reality with determination and altruism.
Photos of the Foundation volunteers Roman, Alexander, Igor and Yuri
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At what stage is the war in Ukraine?
In terms of time, almost two years have passed since the invasion of the Russian Federation against Ukraine. Opinions are expressed within NATO that doubt the possibility of Ukraine’s victory in this war from a military point of view. NATO experts conducted a detailed analysis of the results of the counteroffensive of Ukrainian forces in an attempt to restore the national territory. Although important goals were achieved and part of the territory was restored, the Russian fleet practically retreated from the ports threatened by Ukrainian missiles. Before the Russian invasion, the country controlled 7.04% of Ukrainian territory, which corresponds to more than 42,000 km². By the end of September 2023, Russian military control spread over 17.48% of Ukraine, exceeding 100,000 km². Despite Ukraine’s significant victories, such as the liberation of Kherson in November 2022, Russian dominance has grown over the past year and a half. Even if it is small compared to Putin’s plans for two years. Nevertheless, we are in a stalemate situation where Ukraine is able to counter the significant human and logistical resources deployed by the Russian Federation, largely thanks to the constant supply of high-tech weaponry from countries that support Kyiv. According to statistics from Kyiv, since the beginning of the Russian invasion on February 24, 2022, Russia has lost a significant number of military personnel, estimated at 341,500, which is compared to the losses, for example, of the Soviets in Afghanistan in 10 years (from 13,000 to 15,000) or Americans from 1965 to 1975 (58,220), an impressively high number. This doesn’t even compare to the Italian dead during World War II, which was just under 300,000. In addition to challenges on the military front, Ukraine faces political obstacles to joining the European Union, with Orban’s support for Putin creating obstacles.
Meanwhile, the civilian population of Ukraine, the main victim of this senseless invasion, is fighting for survival, facing daily difficulties with the resilience it has long learned to display. Starting from 1200-1400, the western part of Ukraine was known as the Principality of Galicia-Volhynia under a certain protectorate of Poland. In 1654, the Cossacks of Ukraine, under the command of Khmelnytskyi, rebelled against the pressure of Poland and, having signed a treaty, sought protection from Russia, creating the Cossack Hetmanship. From 1700 to 1900, Ukraine experienced various divisions and annexations by the Russian Empire, the Ottoman Empire, and the Austro-Hungarian Empire. After the Russian Revolution in 1917, Ukraine declared independence in 1918. But the joy was short-lived as it was quickly invaded and divided between Poland, the Soviet Union, and the White Army. During World War II, Ukraine was initially divided between Nazi occupation in the west and Soviet occupation in the east. Later, when the Nazis invaded the Soviet Union, eastern Ukraine was occupied by the Nazis. Some Ukrainians joined the German army or collaborated with the Nazis, but there were also significant resistance movements against the Nazi occupation.
Later, the Red Army gradually liberated Ukraine and continued its march to the Balkans. In short, Ukraine was involved in a complex conflict with different factions, as it happened in Italy. And so, the history of Ukraine continues, with the courage and determination of the people, who are once again fighting for their future, freedom and independence, and not only for them. A key element in this scenario is the contribution of thousands of volunteers working in unknown or directly unaffected war zones. These volunteers welcome and distribute aid to local and refugee civilians where their efforts help alleviate the hardships caused by the conflict situation.
One significant example that Children in the Desert has directly engaged with through its interventions over the past two years is the Foundation for Development and Strategic Change (FSCS). This civil humanitarian and non-profit organization arose in response to the Russian invasion initiated by the municipality of Chernovohrad in the Lviv region. Its purpose was to coordinate aid from different parts of Europe, which was intended for Chernovohrad and later other regions of Ukraine. The FSCS is made up of young men and women who are still too young to go to the front, but who are still intensely busy every day with a specific job. For almost two years, they gave their life, which is different from “ordinary” life.
These young volunteers, despite their youth, are a significant force of hope for achieving a just and lasting peace. Their daily efforts show how, even amid the hardships of war, a future can be built based on the values of solidarity, mutual aid, and concrete healthy initiative for the common good. Hopes for a final peace are based on such initiatives and on the courage of those who, despite their young age, are determined to face reality with determination and selflessness.
Photo of Foundation volunteers Roman, Oleksandr, Igor and Yuriy
